2. Universidad Cardenal Herrera-CEU

Five nuclear power plants with seven reactors operate in Spain, one of the countries in the EU in which support for nuclear power is weaker. For understanding the public debate about nuclear energy is essential to know media discourse. The aims of this investigation are to find out how news is provided on nuclear power from an environmental point of view, who are the sources is the nuclear debate and to determine the editorial line with regard to the use of nuclear power in the seven national Spanish newspaper during five years (2008-2012). Applying the technique of content analysis for data collection, a qualitative analysis is carried out which identifies news frames a priori defined taking a deductive approach. The results show that the environmental perspective on nuclear power is relatively unusual. Using an ecoefficient frame, it is defined as a clean source of energy. Politicians play the greatest role and party political use is made of the nuclear power issue. Spanish nuclear coverage emphasizes the views of interest groups rather than those of scientists and other experts, ecologists or citizens. Thus, the press doesn´t play the substantive role in public deliberation and doesn´t connect with the different interests and sensitivities existing in the public sphere about nuclear energy.

Se presenta el análisis de los resultados del tratamiento que los medios españoles hicieron de las llamadas enfermedades raras durante los meses de abril, mayo y junio del año 2014. Este informe tiene el mismo objetivo general que tenía el primer informe de los tres meses anteriores: comprender cómo presentan estas patologías los medios españoles y, correlativamente, cómo evoluciona esta representación de los medios. En este informe se intenta comparar los datos de aquel primer trimestre con los del ahora objeto de estudio.

Este trabajo analiza la eficacia de las estrategias de comunicación de los movimientos antifracking en España. El estudio plantea la eficacia de las reivindicaciones que realizan tanto ONGs como plataformas ciudadanas en estos últimos años en función de la respuesta y el compromiso de la administración pública. En España, las protestas antifracking son protagonizadas por las ONG ambientalistas y los movimientos sociales ligados al territorio en forma de plataformas o asambleas contrarias al fracking. El poder de las plataformas ciudadanas ha logrado que los gobiernos regionales apoyen sus reivindicaciones frente al gobierno central, con la competencia estatal. / Lan honetan, Espainiako frackingaren aurkako mugimenduen komunikazio estrategien eraginkortasuna aztertzen da. Azterlanak azken urteotan bai GKEek bai herritarren plataformek eginiko aldarrikapenen eraginkortasuna planteatzen du, administrazio publikoaren erantzunaren eta konpromisoaren arabera. Espainian, frackingaren aurkako protestak ingurumenaren aldeko GKEek eta frackingaren aurkako plataforma edo asanblada forma duten lurraldeari lotutako gizarte mugimenduek burutzen dituzte. Herritarren plataformen indarrak ahalbidetu du erregio gobernuek horien aldarrikapenak babestea gobernu zentralaren aurrean, estatuko aginpidearekin. / This paper analyzes the protest and communication strategies by anti-fracking movements in Spain. This study explores the effectiveness of demands from Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and citizen platforms in the past few years in terms of governmental legislative agreements or decisions. In Spain, the anti-fracking protests are led by environmental NGOs and local social movements in the form of platforms or grassroots assemblies against fracking. The power of citizen platforms, spread throughout Spain, have managed to get regional governments to support their demands after the central government.

Do news items about low-prevalence diseases usually appear on covers? How often do they do so? Is there any paper in which any inclination to presents news on RD on the front page can be seen? Can this conduct be extended to any kind of media? The conclusion is that it cannot, as was already pointed out at another part of the study. Low-prevalence diseases seldom manage to get onto the front page of the media, so the newspapers analysed do not reveal any special sensitivity or predisposition to locate information on RD on the cover. There are no preference criteria in the publications leading to the selection of these news items in designing covers or front pages, as is confirmed by the statistical formula: [x2 (38, N= 2443)= 432.192, P<, 0002] in the analysis of the relation existing between both variables.

As has already been explained, news values (meaning the importance criteria involved in selecting a fact) are used by journalists to choose the information texts or news that they are going to publish and thus to define which kind of events are sufficiently interesting and significant to become news and which are not. This selection and control process, which entails a form of processing reality, marks public agendas, social imaginaries, the public opinion, symbols and traditions, ultimately the way we see the world (Martini, 2000). The news values considered in this piece of research are the ones defined by Carl Warren when he detailed the characteristics that an event has to involve in order to become news (Warren, 1975): novelty, proximity, relevance (hierarchical level), oddity, conflict, suspense, emotion or human interest (drama), consequences or significance. For the purposes of the research the suspense criterion was ruled out and the last of the ones consideredby this North American is extended. Significance can therefore stem from the number of people involved, the impact on the country or the future development, based on the revision of news values made by Mauro Wolf (1991: 212-214).

Los valores noticia entendidos como los criterios de importancia que intervienen en la selección de un hecho, como ya se ha expuesto, los emplean los periodistas para elegir los textos informativos o noticias que van a publicar, y por lo tanto, para definir qué tipo de acontecimientos son los suficientemente interesantes y significativos para convertirse en noticia y cuáles no. Ese proceso de selección y control que conlleva una forma de procesamiento de la realidad marca las agendas públicas, los imaginarios sociales, la opinión pública, los símbolos y las tradiciones, en definitiva, la forma de ver el mundo (Martini, 2000). Los valores noticia considerados en esta investigación son los definidos por Carl Warren cuando detalló las características que ha de tener un hecho para convertirse en noticia (Warren, 1975): novedad, proximidad, relevancia (nivel jerárquico), rareza, conflicto, suspense, emoción o interés humano (dramatismo), consecuencias o trascendencia. Al objeto de la investigación, queda eliminado el criterio del suspense y se amplía el último de los considerados por el norteamericano. Así, la trascendencia puede derivarse de la cantidad de personas implicadas, el impacto sobre la nación o la evolución futura, basándonos en la revisión de los valores noticia efectuada por Mauro Wolf (1991: 212-214).