doxa.comunicación | 31, pp. 315-340 | 337

July-December of 2020

Ana Mancera Rueda and Paz Villar-Hernández

ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978

Schutz (1999). As pointed out by Casero Ripollés (2012: 23), such mediatisation causes the media themselves to regulate “the social visibility of events and public problems that affect society as a whole”, encouraging either the political debate of ideas and civic commitment, or the predominance of trivial matters, political conflict, scandal, and the spectacle of politics. With regard to Vox, the latter seems to have occurred in the electoral period analysed. A recommended future line of study would be to find out how the news coverage of this party evolves in upcoming elections.

Lastly, even though there is a clear predominance of representative illocutivity in the eight media analysed, in some reports published by ABC and El Mundo, a true value has been ascribed to what in fact are no more than mere predictions about people’s voting intentions with regard to Vox. Moreover, contrary to what might be expected in texts belonging to the informative genre, we can also find in this type of headline numerous signs of negative expressiveness, highlighted by what we have identified as a conspicuous lexical strategy. Thus, in spite of supporting a very different editorial approach, ABC and La Vanguardia or El País and El Diario, employ metaphors of a belligerent nature, metonymies and nominalisations with an ironic value, or axiological terms capable of provoking pre-activations contrary to this political party in the mind of the reader who is up to date with the news. Such strategies are located at the enunciative stage as well as the actantiality, which in most of the texts of our corpus is placed not on the representatives of Vox, but on other politicians and social agents who announce warnings, an example of which is the negative consequences that might result from the rise of this political party. As we have seen, both “traditional” and “digital native” newspapers use similar framing strategies when writing their headlines, whether in front of a computer or at a desk, and it is certainly possible that the journalistic practices described by Dr. Glenn Frank in 1925 may not have changed very much...

5. Bibliographic references

Acha, B. (2019). No, no es un partido (neo)fascista. Agenda Pública. http://agendapublica.elpais.com/no-no-es-un-partido-neofascista/

Alcoba Rueda, S. (1999). Titulación y relación de ‘causalidad’ en el enunciado informativo de la lengua periodística. En J. Garrido Medina (coord.). La lengua y los medios de comunicación: actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en 1996, vol. 1, 91-107.

Alonso, S. y Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2015). Spain: No Country for the Populist Radical Right? South European Society and Politics, 20(1), 21-45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2014.985448

Bale, T. (2003). Cinderella and her ugly sisters: the mainstream and extreme right in Europe’s bipolarising party systems. West European Politics, 26(3), 67-90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380312331280598

Bühler, K. (1934 [1979]). Teoría del lenguaje. Madrid: Alianza.

Casado Velarde, M. (1978). La transformación nominal, un rasgo de estilo de la lengua periodística. Cuadernos de Investigación Filológica, 4, 101-112.