media tends to be family companies that are influenced by political movements, different from some large and national corporative as Televisa.

The studies of Salazar (2018, 2020) contrast the democratic national processes in the reforms of 2013 and other federal efforts with the hegemonic subnational conditions. Some expressions of them are attacks on the press by repressing them or by co-optation. The legal process against journalists by non-material damages promoted by the subnational governments is part of these repression and co-optation strategies.

In that sense, the approach of González & Echeverría (2017) is enlightening. According to their proposal, Mexico represents an irregular modernization of its media system in the different regions because the characteristics of media are diverse. There are several contexts and exogenous and endogenous forces that impact the presence of authoritarian features with some other liberals. These features are present in different proportions in each region as a result of its historical-contextual conditions. They create two principal dynamics: the perpetuation of authoritarianism or the change to more democratic conditions; we have diverse regions with media systems under unequal ways on these tendencies. The reason for articulating the subnational category and this topic to show the regional singularities:

The heterogeneity in the effective implementation of laws and public politics in the territory is a common phenomenon in Latin America […]. The most evident factor that explains this heterogeneity is the local state capacity evaluated by the financial sources (budgets, resource extraction) and institutional (size and quality of bureaucracy) that the subnational governments and the state offices of the central State (Augusto, Dargent, & Rousseau, 2017: 101)

Several discussions on Politic Science set the origin to the subnational category, for its necessity to have in perspective the idea of the national States as integrated units and actors in a rational way. The subnational entities are not just distinctions from the National Unity State; in this thesis. On some occasions, they could also have a larger agency to act independently in the global scenario (Rolandi & Merello, 2017); in contrast, not all the subnational entities have this capacity; others present lags. These differences create fundamental questions on how some subnational governments raise more capacity than others (Augusto et al., 2017).

According to Ríos & Soto (2017), the lack of attention in the legal institutions studies at the subnational level in Mexico has occasioned principal questions with no answer. For example, the causes and consequences of the subnational institution variations, the impact of the democracy transition in the subnational systems, and the analysis of the possible impact on the quality of the governance in the states.

The present information allows us to observe that it is necessary to incorporate this analytic category into the study of the legislation on communication in Mexico, checking these variations, also the similarities means to observe the concerns and necessities of the national entities in the communities.

Kucsko-Stadlmayer (2017) recognizes that the legal norm is a social construction of reality. Laws represent social order, and its rules refer to the social phenomenon of human behaviour. According to the author, in that sense, the legal