Articulo_2_EN_Doxa_29

Subsequently, we have complied a data collection file focusing on who is involved in the debate (both in favour of changes in the dictionary and those who are against) and on the lexicon and on the arguments used in the debate by both sides.

For the analysis, the methodological proposals from van Dijk’s Critical Analysis speech (1996, 1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2003, 2006, 2010a and 2010b) of the theory of argumentation (Fuentes and Alcaide, 2007; Plantin, 2015 and 2016; Amossy, 2016) and the concept of linguistic ideology (Del Valle, 2007; Schieffelin, Woolard and Kroskrity, 2012; Marimón and Santamaría, 2019) have been used, following the line undertaken in other previous studies that study the theme of the feminisation of language in the press (Llamas Saíz, 2013 and 2015; Guerrero Salazar, 2012, 2019a and 2019b), which have shown that many journalistic texts dealing with “language and women” play an important role in the transmission of knowledge, values, attitudes and norms about language in relation to their specific social and ideological contexts; in them modes of expression are rejected, questioned, assessed, justified or stigmatized –usage of language– which, finally, always involves some type of rupture of the dominant linguistic and social norm (Castillo Lluch, 2001). They thus manifest, an ideological positioning on the language that, in many cases, arises in terms of transgression of the rules of language correction, but also social, since certain definitions are considered reprehensible in that they are felt to be discriminatory towards women.

3. Analysis of the corpus

3.1. The press as the first disseminating channel of feminist demands

The first demand recorded in the press against sexism in the academic dictionary had to do with the non-legal proposal published in the Official Gazette of the General Courts on 12th November, 19855, to whom two renowned columnists (the Marquis of Tamarón6 and Lázaro Carreter7) were referred to at the time of the events and, almost five years later, Humberto Hernández (1999)8.

Although from time to time the press reported some demand of this kind, in recent years the news has increased considerably, and, above all, the debate generated around them, as can be observed in HEVILE. Thus in 2013 the press echoed that feminine is defined in the dictionary as ‘weak’ and ‘feeble’ whereas masculine as ‘manly’ and ‘energetic’. These

5 This dating has been made possible by the database in construction by theMETAPRES Project par excellence: The metalinguistic discourse in the Spanish press (1940-present). Multidimensional analysis and characterization, of which I am a member (FFI2015-65917-P).

6 Marquis of Tamarón writes his articles on ABC (1985-1988), in a space entitled “El habla nacional” (“National Speech”), which are recompiled in Mora-Figueroa and Williams (2005). It refers to the non-legal proposal in a column called “Diestros y siniestros” (Left, Right and Centre) (ABC/Sevilla, 28th February 1987).

7 Lázaro Carreter writes articles of language correction that the EFE Agency distributes to different newspapers in Spain and America under the title “El dardo en el palabra” (“The dart in the word”), the name of the compilation book that compiles the columns from 1975 to 1996 (Lazaro Carreter 1997). It refers to the non-legal proposition in a column called “Lenguaje depurado”, (“Purified Language”) (1986).

8 Humberto Hernández publishes his articles in the newspaper El Día (Santa Cruz de Tenerife), under the title “Una palabra ganada”, of the compilation book (Hernández 2002 and 2009 [second corrected and amplified edition]). It alludes to the non-legal proposition in the column called, “El cibergénero”, (“The Cybergender”) (1999).